Report: Tripoli City Profile

[Tripoli City Profile. Credit: UN-Habitat] [Tripoli City Profile. Credit: UN-Habitat]

Report: Tripoli City Profile

By : Jadaliyya Reports

UN-Habitat just released a report on the city of Tripoli (Lebanon), entitled Tripoli City Profile. This is the first of a series of City Profiles UN-Habitat, Lebanon will be publishing in the following months. City Profiles are a multi-sectoral spatial tool to improve understanding of vulnerabilities in specifically urban settings, and to inform the response. Developed in close collaboration with municipal unions, municipalities, humanitarian partners, and other stakeholders, the profiles are based on currently available data, and will be updated online to take account of new information, including information gathered from UN-Habitat Neighbourhood Profiles, and reported activities of crisis response partners from the 2016 year end and beyond.

UN-Habitat City Profiles are formulated to offer a cross-sectoral perspective on urban vulnerabilities that will inform interventions by local authorities, humanitarian agencies, and others to alleviate poverty. They also aim at contributing to an analytical knowledge base that will facilitate nuanced medium to long term public sector planning and investment agendas. The City Profile is structured around four themes: space, governance, population, and services. National and city-specific data is presented against each theme followed by identification of gaps and challenges. The last theme, services, is divided into: economy, basic urban services, and social services.

The Tripoli City Report is available here. Below is an excerpt:

Analysis of Tripoli in terms of its three-municipality functional geography has generated a profile of this historic urban pole that begins to reflect the pragmatic, as-lived nature of the gglomeration in its true scale. The potential role of Tripoli in a more polycentric Lebanon of the type promoted in the National Physical Master Plan of the Lebanese Territories (CDR, 2005) has been raised as a long-term policy and investment agenda. However, the urgent local and strategic barriers to reaching a point where such a discussion is realistic have been shown in sharp relief, inter-relating across the economy, urban services and social services.

The urban challenges shared across Lebanon are found in abundance in Tripoli. What is unique however is the unrivalled concentration of impoverishment, and the steepness of its descent from a pre-Civil War regional hub. Tripoli, Lebanon’s second city, is indeed a city at risk, travelling along a self-reinforcing spiral of a weak economy served by weak infrastructure support. Historical events combined with the level of poverty represented across both host and refugee communities have yielded a socio-economic and sectarian conflict tinderbox. Home to affiliates of both sides of the Syrian conflict, Tripoli represents a concentration of potential to destabilise the country.

Humanitarian interventions and local authority programming are undermined by Lebanon’s lack of a robust statistical base. The overwhelming finding for Tripoli has been the lack of reliable population data, leaving scope only for speculation between rival data sources. There is strong suggestion, however, that the official figures used by all partners to the crisis response and for national planning – totalling just under 288,000 for Lebanese - are grossly below conservative estimates of the real situation, as exemplified for instance by the union’s estimate of about 365,000. UN-Habitat’s own calculation puts the Lebanese population figure at a level approaching 418,000. The uncertainty undermines the validity of policy and programming decisions by the third sector where poor Lebanese are involved. It also affects the ability of municipalities and the union to align planning to service demand or to monitor critical urban indicators such as employment rates.

Regarding the approximately 100,000 refugees in Tripoli, there are data caveats around the number of unregistered individuals, as well as around how point of registration relates to actual place of residence. Paying for shelter is the second highest outgoing cost amongst Syrian households, and insecurity of tenure a major concern--the dynamics of which are not well understood.

Activities reported against the various sectors by partners to the response often show concentrations on Beddaoui, home to the metropolitan area’s Palestinian camp, with a spread throughout the remaining geography which takes limited account the new influx of Syrians who have predominantly occupied the lowest cost aspects of the mainstream housing market, shared with the Lebanese poor. It is hoped that the current profile will contribute to the metropolitan knowledge base in ways that foster the extension of the focus on well-known Beddaoui to other less familiar neighbourhoods.

Cross-cutting all other issues, the governance theme has probed constraints in how civil society is ordered in Tripoli. The critical finding is that, between the North governorate on one hand and the individual urban core municipalities on the other, there is a meso-level vacuum in place of active strategic coordination and urban interest promotion at the metropolitan level. Integrated and mutually supportive collaboration between municipalities for service planning and delivery would potentiate efficiency gains and the capture of economies of scale. The focus could include demand and supply assessments leading to action across topics such as transport, employment markets, land and housing markets, and office and industry markets.

Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412